| We write the address as Republic
of the Union of Myanmar (Burma) because the government
that took power in 1989 changed the country's name from Union
of Burma to Union of Myanmar (and in 2010 lengthened this with
"Republic of the"). But the USA and its postal service
still use "Burma" (as does the democratic opposition
in the country), so omitting that on the envelope could delay
delivery. |
More about Myo Min Zaw
—based on Amnesty International documents and on the
long experience of AI USA former group 182 in Greenville, S.C.:
Myo Min Zaw, born about 1978, was a second-year student of English.
He was involved in the large-scale student demonstrations of 1996.
The military sought him but he managed to evade arrest. In 1997
he joined the central organizing committee of the All-Burma Student
Union (ABSFU). Using the alias of Moe Hein Aung, in July 1998 he
founded the Student and Youth Unity Front. Between June and September
1998, more than 300 students were arrested when they staged small
demonstrations to protest the human rights situation and the poor
quality of education. Before these demonstrations, letters appealing
to the public for support and signed by "Moe Hein Aung"
were widely distributed in Yangon (Rangoon) and were used prominently
by the demonstrating students.
On September 14, 1998, Myo Min Zaw was arrested in the street and
accused of agitating unrest. He was sentenced to 38 years, later
increased to 52.
He was at first in the notorious Insein Prison in Yangon. In April
and May 1999, just before an attempt by the International Committee
of the Red Cross to investigate Burma's prison conditions, the military
authorities secretly transferred hundreds of political prisoners
from Insein to remote prisons around the country; the families of
the transferred prisoners were not told, and no official news was
released. Myo Min Zaw was transferred to Pathein Prison.
After a hunger strike in 2003 calling for the release of Aung San
Suu Kyi, he was transferred with 28 others from Pathein to Mandalay
Prison. up in the middle of the country. When he arrived he was
hooded, and beaten at the prison gate and then in the cell, with
prison service batons. He was held for one month in shackles and
solitary confinement, then put in a cell with others. Later he was
transferred to Puta O prison in Kachin State — the remote north
of Burma — making it even more impossible for his family in
Rangoon to bring him food and medical assistance.
Myo Min Zaw was adopted as a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International
in 1999, and his case was assigned to USA group 182 (Greenville,
South Carolina) and to groups in Britain, the Netherlands, and Sweden.
The USA groups now working on it are 9/280 (New York City), 672
(East San Diego County. Calif.) and 5 (Santa Cruz, Calif.).
In May 2011, when there was a superficial regime change in Burma,
the sentences of all prisoners were reduced by one year. Otherwise
it could have been said when the 13th anniversary of Myo Min Zaw's
imprisonment came in September, that he had another 13 years to
serve, and then another 13, and then a fourth 13.
Burma background
The elected government was overthrown by General Ne Win in 1962,
and since then the country has been ruled by a military regime,
who changed its name from Burma to Myanmar, and their own title
from State Law and Order Restoration Council (the much-ridiculed
"SLORC") to State Peace and Development Council.
The regime uses its huge army, the Tatmadaw,
to wage wars against the country's many and large ethnic minorities.
In the words of one activist, it "sells the teak forests to
foreign companies for bullets to kill the tribes that live in them."
The country was almost closed off to outsiders,
but in 1988 a student-led uprising blew it open to the world's attention.
The uprising was bloodily suppressed, but next year Aung San Suu
Kyi, daughter of independence hero Aung San, returned from Britain
where she had been living, and rapidly found herself the leader
of the populat movement; her peaceful principles probably saved
a great deal more bloodshed.
In 1990 the regime allowed an election which
it assumed it could control, but the National League for Democracy
won 82 percent of seats (and other opposition parties won most of
the rest, leaving the regime with 2%), even though the NLD's presidential
candidate, Aung San Suu Kyi, was in house arrest and most of its
other leaders in prison. The military refused to accept the result,
and Suu Kyi has been in house arrest for most of the years since
then, the world's only imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize winner.
The military regime set up a second and
sham election, for May 6, 2010, designed to gie itself a civilian
appearance. It ruled that the National League for Democracy could
register as a party only if it expelled its leader Aung San Suu
Kyi on the ground that she is a prisoner. The NLD refused to do
this, and so has officially ceased to exist.
Do letters to Burma do any good?
Here (slightly shortened) is a March 2010 message from Amnesty
International's Myanmar campaigner Haider Kikabhoy to Canadian
members who had asked this question.
We're constantly being told by the families of POCs [prisoners
of conscience], and Burmese activists who are campaigning
for their friends' release, both privately and publicly (such
as in regular Burma stakeholder meetings organised by the
British Foreign Office), how Amnesty's steadfast letting-writing
does make a difference to POCs' lives.
The consistent and concentrated letter-writing from across
the Amnesty movement makes it clear to the Myanmar authorities
that we're watching their actions and that the POCs aren't
forgotten. The stream of appeals that members send to the
SPDC maintains pressure on the authorities to not torture
or mis-treat detainees. Although we're not going to secure
everyone's release tomorrow, we're often encouraged and, indeed,
prodded, by the families of POCs, and Burmese activists, to
keep up and increase our work because the continued attention
we give to POCs often brings them some protection, influencing
the authorities to treat them less harshly (e.g. by giving
better medical care and increased access to their families,
or reducing restrictions on their on movement in prison).
Improved conditions for POCs won't last if the pressure isn't
maintained, which is why we need Amnesty's time-honoured letter-writing
campaigns.
Second, the loyal commitment members show in fighting for
the freedoms of POCs is a source of great moral support to
POCs and their families. The father of Zaw Htet Ko Ko carries
solidarity letters he receives from AI members in his wallet.
He calls the letters "my gold". He's overwhelmed
by the amount of greeting cards he received last Christmas
(his letter-box would overflow if he didn't clear it everyday).
A thank you message from him is attached below. U Win Htein's
son, who lives in the US, is also thankful for the messages
of support he receives from AI members.
Third, our letter-writing campaigns have actually helped to
bring about the release of POCs. And that kind of success
is the result of a division of labour, a combination of efforts
and supreme teamwork from across the AI movement.
AI Canada members aren't working on their own, as there are
always strangers/fellow activists in other parts of the world
who are campaigning with them for the very same hopes over
the long haul. That to me is the beauty of Amnesty, that it
can mobilise common outrage at human rights violations, a
shared sense of justice, goodwill, and a desire to make progress,
across the world, into a force for change.
The global AI membership works along with the International
Secretariat as well as colleagues in New York, Geneva and
Brussels to apply pressure on the right people, at the right
time, to achieve what we want. The release of eight of the
16 POCs we've had in the Individuals Portfolio (since Sep
2008) is a good indication of what we can achieve if we work
together over the long haul.
And a letter from Aung Myint, father of prisoner Zaw Htet
Ko Ko, December 2009:
Dear AI members (all over the world)
Merry Christmas to you!
Greetings to you from the Netherlands and Kyauk phyu prison. Your
supports soothe my grief and strengthen the spirit of my son.
We are very very pleased with your huge amount of post cards and
letters. I hope this year will be our real happy new year.
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